Tag Archives: Hamas

Who Is Hamas? The Truth About Gaza’s Rulers

Ordinary people in Gaza hate Hamas and want to get rid of it. But how easy is that when we all know they rule Gaza with an iron fist? If you disagree with them, they will simply silence you. Or kill you. And that’s what’s happening in Gaza right now.

Once Hamas claims to seek peace with Israel, it soon turns its weapons on its own people. Who, then, is Hamas, and what are they really doing?

Origins of Hamas

Hamas (Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah — “Islamic Resistance Movement”) was founded in 1987 during the First Intifada. It grew out of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, promoting a radical Islamist ideology that rejects Israel’s right to exist.

Its 1988 charter openly called for Israel’s destruction and the creation of an Islamic state over all of historical Palestine. From the beginning, Hamas mixed social welfare with terrorism, using religious faith and nationalism to recruit followers and strengthen control.

Brainwashing and Indoctrination

We can ask ourselves where all this hate comes from. But it’s not hard to understand when you see how Hamas uses propaganda and fear to shape generations.

The Nazis once said that a lie repeated enough times becomes the truth. The same can be said about Hamas.

In schools, mosques, and media, they constantly repeat messages of hatred against Jews and Israel. Children are taught that dying as a “martyr” is the greatest honor. The organization glorifies violence and uses religion as a tool of manipulation. This is how the terrorist organization Hamas is recruiting suicide bombers to attack innocent people in Israel.

The Years of Terror

Before Israel built its security barrier (the wall) along the Gaza border, Hamas repeatedly sent young suicide bombers into Israel, especially during the Second Intifada (2000–2005). Civilians were the main targets. People on buses, in cafés, markets, and restaurants.

Some of the worst attacks included:

  • Jerusalem Sbarro Restaurant bombing (2001): 15 killed, over 100 injured.
  • Dolphinarium disco bombing (2001): 21 young people killed.
  • Hebrew University bombing (2002): 9 killed, including U.S. citizens.

Even before Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005, militants in Gaza, including Hamas, began firing rockets and mortars into southern Israel. Towns like Sderot and Ashkelon have lived under constant threat ever since.

In 2006, Hamas fighters kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, holding him captive for over five years before finally releasing him in exchange for over 1,000 Palestinian prisoners, many of whom had blood on their hands.

Hamas’s Control Over Gaza

Since taking full control of Gaza in 2007, Hamas has turned the area into both a fortress and a prison. They suppress political opponents, control the media, and punish anyone who dares to speak against them.

Billions in international aid meant for rebuilding homes and hospitals have instead been used to build tunnels, buy rockets, and train new fighters.

Ordinary Gazans are the real victims. Trapped between Hamas’s authoritarian rule and the consequences of its endless wars.

What`s disappointing about this case is the legacy media`s unbalanced reports from the conflict. We often hear from poor civilians in Gaza. They usually lie, and sometimes they say people have no home and that it’s cold in Gaza. The fact is that the weather is hot.

The Hidden Face of Hate: When “Support for Gaza” Becomes Antisemitism

In the weeks and months following every escalation in Gaza, television screens, social media feeds, and newspaper headlines fill with global protests and statements of “solidarity with Gaza.” Many of these come from people who genuinely care about the suffering of civilians, and compassion is vital.
But somewhere along the way, something darker has mixed in: a growing wave of disguised antisemitism, hate hidden beneath the surface of supposed “support.”

From Sympathy to Scapegoating

It begins with empathy. People reacting to images of destruction, mourning the deaths of children, and demanding peace. But in protest slogans and online comments, empathy often turns into something else:

  • “Zionists” becomes a code word for “Jews.”
  • Calls for “Free Palestine” are twisted into chants like “From the river to the sea,” which deny Israel’s right to exist.
  • Jewish students, shops, and synagogues in Europe and the U.S. face vandalism or threats, even though they have nothing to do with the Israeli government.

This isn’t solidarity. It’s scapegoating. The line between political protest and racial or religious hate has blurred.

How Hate Disguises Itself

Modern antisemitism rarely looks like the open hatred of the 1930s. Today, it hides behind political and moral language, calling itself “anti-Zionism,” “human rights activism,” or “decolonization.”
But the pattern is the same: blame all Jews for the actions of a few, question their right to safety, and deny their history.

  • In some university protests, Jewish students have been told to “go back to Poland.”
  • Online, “pro-Gaza” threads are flooded with conspiracy theories about Jews controlling governments or media.
  • In demonstrations, Israeli flags are burned alongside slogans calling for “intifada” or “death to the occupiers.”

These aren’t calls for justice. They’re echoes of history, and they’re dangerous.

A Moral Test for the West

True solidarity with Palestinians means demanding an end to terror and manipulation. Not cheering for those who fire rockets from schoolyards. Genuine peace means condemning antisemitism wherever it appears, even when it hides behind fashionable activism.

The West now faces a moral test:
Can we support innocent people in Gaza without reviving one of humanity’s oldest hatreds?
Can we tell the difference between compassion and hate?

The answer depends on honesty and courage. Because antisemitism doesn’t vanish when it changes its name. It only grows stronger in the shadows.

The Media’s Blind Spot

Mainstream media often amplifies this confusion. In their effort to highlight humanitarian crises, many journalists avoid distinguishing between legitimate criticism of Israeli policy and antisemitic rhetoric.
As a result, the public conversation becomes one-sided: Israeli military actions are headline news, while Hamas’s use of human shields, executions of civilians, and years of rocket attacks barely make the front page.

This selective storytelling doesn’t just distort reality. It feeds resentment. It reinforces the false idea that Jews are “the oppressors” and Palestinians “the victims,” without showing that both societies suffer under extremists like Hamas.

The Echo of Lies: How Hate Survives Through Propaganda

Hate rarely starts as hate. It begins as a whisper — a repeated story, a single narrative told again and again until it becomes a kind of truth. History has shown us this pattern many times before. The Nazis understood it all too well: “Repeat a lie often enough, and it becomes the truth.” That same dark psychology is alive today, in new forms and new places.

We see it in Gaza, where Hamas indoctrinates generations through education, media, and religion. Not to seek peace, but to preserve conflict. From childhood, people are taught not only to distrust but to despise. Over time, these beliefs stop feeling like opinions and start feeling like identity. When that happens, reason and compassion disappear.

But this manipulation doesn’t end there. Across the world, much of what we see in legacy media now echoes a similar distortion — not always intentional, but often biased. The story becomes simplified: one side good, one side evil. Complex truths are ignored because they don’t fit the headline. And beneath this imbalance, something ancient and dangerous grows, a modern form of antisemitism disguised as “support for the oppressed.”

People march in the streets, believing they are standing for justice, yet their chants echo the slogans of those who would destroy, not build. Sympathy for innocent civilians in Gaza, which is both human and necessary, is twisted into hatred toward Jews as a whole. It’s a trap of perception, built by years of selective narratives and emotional manipulation.

Meanwhile, Hamas continues to spend vast sums on weapons and tunnels instead of schools and hospitals. Iran and other foreign actors feed this machine of destruction, funding the tools of war while ordinary people suffer in poverty. And still, the cameras turn, the slogans spread, and the lie grows louder.

Propaganda doesn’t only distort the truth. It divides humanity. It turns empathy into anger, and understanding into fear. To fight it, we must learn to question what we’re told. We must see beyond the headlines, beyond the slogans, beyond the images carefully designed to provoke outrage.

The path forward isn’t found in hate, but in clarity. In seeing the difference between the innocent and the manipulative, between compassion and deception. Because if lies can echo, so can truth.

As Plato warned: “Those who are able to see beyond the shadows and lies of their culture will never be understood, let alone believed, by the masses.” That is why seeking truth is never easy, but it is always necessary.

Conclusion: The Real Enemy of Gaza’s People

Hamas is more than a militant group. They are the ruling power in Gaza with a dual role: political/social authority, and armed resistance. But their priorities often harm the people they claim to represent.

If peace or justice is ever to come, Gaza’s people need rules that protect them, accountability, transparency, and a governing power that places civilian needs above military ambition.

When the world watches the suffering in Gaza, it’s easy to blame Israel. But behind every destroyed building and every tragic image, there’s a more profound truth: Hamas has built its power on the suffering of its own people.

It’s not Israel that keeps Gaza poor and oppressed. It’s Hamas. Until they are gone, peace and freedom will remain out of reach for both Palestinians and Israelis.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and may not reflect those of Shinybull.com. The author has made every effort to ensure the accuracy of the information provided; however, neither Shinybull.com nor the author can guarantee the accuracy of this information. This article is strictly for informational purposes only. It is not a solicitation to make any exchange in precious metal products, commodities, securities, or other financial instruments. Shinybull.com and the author of this article do not accept culpability for losses and/ or damages arising from the use of this publication.

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A Historic Day for the Middle East: Defense, War, and the Challenge of Perspective

It is a very historic day for the Middle East today. A «Long and painful nightmare» is over, Trump says. Trump arrived in Tel Aviv to mark the release of Israeli hostages by the terrorist organization called Hamas.

Trump is very proud of this moment. Maybe the best moment of his life. Trump has done something that nobody before him has achieved. Trump has made peace in the Middle East. He released 20 living hostages. A day that none of their families thought would come.

Trump delivered a speech in which he said America joined its ally in two «everlasting vows»: Never forget, and never again.» He also said that the war is over. A war that was ugly, but Hamas is not alone.

Iran is the leading foreign backer of Hamas, whose attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, saw 1.200 people killed and hundreds taken hostage. Weapons taken out of Libya during the chaotic post-2011 period ended up in many places.

UN and expert reporting show Libyan arsenals were looted and trafficked to many different places. According to author Hanne Nabintu Herland, Norway dropped 588 bombs in Libya, where millions of civilians were killed. Thousands of bombs were given to the terrorist organization Hamas after the war in Libya.

Israel has the right to defend itself, and Israel`s response and the ensuing war have left more than 67.000 Palestinians dead, including thousands of civilians, according to Gaza`s Health Ministry.

Gaza itself has been largely destroyed, with most buildings in ruins. It looks like Hiroshima during World War II. About 80% of Gaza has been destroyed. Is this the right thing to do? People and legacy media have criticized Israel for what they have done in Gaza. Was what Israel has done in Gaza Okay?

Let`s start with Israel. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the most complex and emotionally charged disputes in modern history. Few elements symbolize this tension more than the wall — or security barrier — that separates Israel from the Palestinian territories.

To understand why this wall exists and why Hamas remains at the heart of the story, we have to look back at what happened before its construction and how events unfolded afterward.

Israel built the wall because the terrorist organization Hamas attacked civilians in Israel. For many Palestinians, Hamas presented itself as a movement of resistance and social welfare — running schools, hospitals, and charity networks, especially in Gaza, where poverty and unemployment were widespread. But for Israel and much of the international community,

Hamas’s violent actions and refusal to recognize Israel’s right to exist made it a terrorist organization, a designation now shared by the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several others. So, the Israeli war was against the terrorists in Gaza. Not civilians in Gaza.

Before the Wall: Years of Violence

The 1990s and early 2000s were some of the bloodiest years in Israeli history, marked by a wave of suicide bombings, shootings, and other attacks carried out by Hamas and other militant groups. The Second Intifada (2000–2005) became a turning point.

Hamas’s attacks were frequent and devastating:

  • Bus bombings in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv targeted civilians commuting to work or school.
  • Restaurants, shopping malls, and markets were attacked, turning ordinary places into sites of tragedy.
  • The Sbarro restaurant bombing (2001) killed 15 people and injured more than 100.
  • The Dolphinarium discotheque bombing (2001) took the lives of 21 teenagers.
  • At the Hebrew University bombing (2002), nine were killed, including American students.

By the early 2000s, hundreds of Israeli civilians had been killed in suicide bombings. For Israelis, daily life became a constant state of alert. Ordinary activities — riding a bus, eating in a café, or sending a child to school — carried real danger.

Hamas justified these attacks as “resistance,” while Israel viewed them as terrorism designed to destroy peace efforts.

The Decision to Build the Wall

In 2002, amid the peak of the Second Intifada, Israel began constructing the security barrier — a combination of concrete walls, fences, and checkpoints — along the West Bank. The stated goal was simple: to stop suicide bombers and other infiltrations from Palestinian territories into Israeli cities.

The wall was — and still is — controversial.
For Israel, it was a defensive necessity that saved lives. After its construction, suicide bombings dropped by more than 90%. For Palestinians, however, it represented occupation and separation, cutting them off from farmland, workplaces, and family on the other side. The wall physically entrenched a psychological divide that had already existed for decades.

The Gaza Factor and Hamas’s Rise to Power

While the wall focused on the West Bank, Gaza was undergoing its own transformation. After years of pressure and violence, Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005, removing settlements and military presence. The expectation was that Palestinians would take this opportunity to build a functioning, peaceful society.

Instead, political infighting erupted between Hamas and Fatah — the dominant Palestinian political faction led by Mahmoud Abbas. In 2007, Hamas violently seized control of Gaza, expelling Fatah forces and establishing a de facto Islamist government.

From that moment, Gaza’s relationship with Israel changed completely. Hamas began developing rocket capabilities, importing weapons, and digging tunnels under the border to carry out attacks or smuggle goods. The nature of the threat shifted from suicide bombings to indiscriminate rocket fire targeting southern Israel.

Towns like Sderot, Ashkelon, and Be’er Sheva faced years of rocket attacks. Israel responded with airstrikes and, on several occasions, full-scale military operations — each causing widespread destruction in Gaza and significant civilian casualties.

The Human Cost

Both sides have suffered immensely.
For Israelis, the threat from Gaza remains constant — alarms, shelters, and the fear of sudden attacks are part of daily life.
For Palestinians in Gaza, life is defined by poverty, unemployment, and blockades that restrict movement and trade. Thousands of civilians have been killed or displaced in repeated conflicts.

Hamas continues to reject Israel’s right to exist and invests heavily in military infrastructure — rockets, tunnels, and paramilitary forces — while ordinary Gazans struggle to access clean water, electricity, and healthcare.

Israel, for its part, argues that the blockade is a necessary security measure to prevent Hamas from rearming. Critics, including human rights groups, counter that it amounts to collective punishment and fuels further resentment.

A Cycle Without End

The wall did succeed in its primary purpose — it stopped most terrorist infiltrations into Israel. Yet, it also reinforced the sense of division, mistrust, and hopelessness between the two peoples. Hamas’s control over Gaza has created a political stalemate: Israel refuses to negotiate with a group committed to its destruction, while Hamas uses Israel’s restrictions to rally anger and support among Palestinians.

Every few years, the cycle repeats: rocket attacks, Israeli airstrikes, and devastating humanitarian crises. Each side claims victory; neither side wins peace.

Conclusion: Fear and Freedom

The story of Hamas, Israel, and the wall is not simply about terrorism or defense — it is about fear and survival, two emotions that dominate the landscape of the Middle East.
Israel built a wall because it felt it had no other choice. Hamas attacks because it believes violence is the only path to freedom. Between them are millions of people — Israelis and Palestinians — who simply want to live ordinary lives.

In the end, walls may stop bombers, but they cannot build trust. The challenge for both sides remains the same as it was before the first stone was laid: to find a way to balance security and justice, defense and dignity, fear and hope — the hardest balance of all.

So, why do nearly everybody criticize Israel for what they are doing in Gaza?

When Defense Becomes a Crime: A Double Standard in How the World Sees War

Today, it seems nearly every news outlet is focused on criticizing Israel for civilian casualties in Gaza. Headlines scream about women and children killed, often implying moral failure or injustice. And yet, when we look back at modern history, we see a striking pattern: war almost always claims innocent lives, no matter who is involved.

Take the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. During 78 days of airstrikes, hundreds of civilians were killed, including children. The death of three-year-old Milica Rakić in her home in Batajnica became emblematic of the human cost of war. Serbia now has memorials, statues, and ceremonies honoring the children who died. Dozens of names are remembered publicly as a symbol of lives lost during the campaign. Cluster munitions, unexploded ordnance, and indiscriminate bombing caused these deaths — the same tragic consequences we lament in other conflicts today.

NATO was acting in what it claimed to be defense and stabilization, yet civilian casualties were inevitable. And yet, when similar actions are taken by other nations in their own defense, the global narrative often shifts. Israel, for example, builds walls and conducts targeted operations against groups like Hamas, whose own record includes attacks on civilians and using human shields. Israel emphasizes its right to protect its citizens from terrorism, just as NATO justified its actions in Serbia and elsewhere. But public opinion and media framing frequently focus only on one side of the equation.

The pattern is not new. History is full of wars where civilians suffered while the aggressors were vilified and the defenders celebrated — or vice versa, depending on perspective. What often changes is the narrative: who tells the story, which victims are remembered, and which are ignored. In Serbia, memorials commemorate the children killed by NATO; in Israel, civilians caught in crossfire are highlighted in international media. Both are real tragedies. Both are consequences of war.

At the heart of this is human nature. When a society or individual is threatened, defense is instinctive. If harm persists, measures escalate. Walls are built. Armies act. Lives are lost. History shows repeatedly that the morality of defense is complicated by the inevitability of collateral damage. Civilian deaths are always tragic, yet they are not always evidence of moral failure — often, they are evidence of the harsh realities of conflict.

The lesson is clear: to truly understand war and peace, we must look honestly at all sides. Criticism must be proportional, and we must remember that war does not spare innocence. Nations act to survive; civilians sometimes pay the price. Recognizing this complexity is not the same as justification — it is acknowledgment of reality.

If the global community wishes to promote peace, it must do so consistently. Selective outrage, when only certain wars or victims are highlighted, distorts understanding and prevents meaningful solutions. Every civilian life lost, whether in Serbia, Gaza, Iraq, or elsewhere, deserves remembrance. Every act of defense, every effort to protect citizens, deserves careful analysis.

War is tragic, complex, and unavoidable in human history. Only by recognizing its patterns, learning from them, and holding ourselves to consistent moral standards can we hope to reduce suffering and approach a more peaceful world.

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The Labour Party`s leader Jeremy Corbyn is a self-confessed Marxist

Theresa May will have a meeting with her new cabinet today which is a bit angry. The Tory members of Parliament are blaming May for the catastrophic election campaign that cost her party (the Conservatives) their parliamentary majority.

The party that took seats from May and her party was the Labour party, and the man behind that party is Jeremy Corbyn. This is a man who said the Labour Party is ready to serve Britain. Labour`s 9,6% vote swing was its largest since 1945. Who is Jeremy Corbyn?

 

 

Jeremy Bernard Corbyn is born 26 May 1949. He is a British politician who has served as Leader of the Labour Party and Leader of the Opposition since 12 September 2015. He has been the Member of Parliament (MP) for Islington North since 1983.

His parents were peace campaigners who met in the 1930`s at a committee meeting in support of the Spanish Republic at Conway Hall during the Spanish Civil war. While still at school, Corbyn became active in the Wrekin constituency young Socialists, his local Labour Party, and the League Against Cruel Sports.

As a backbench MP Corbyn was known for activism and rebelliousness, frequently voting against the Labour whip, including when the party was in government under New Labour leaders Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

As Labour leader, Corbyn advocates reversing austerity cuts to public services and welfare funding made since 2010, and proposes renationalisation of public utilities and the railways.

A longstanding anti-war and anti-nuclear activist. Corbyn supports a foreign policy of military non-interventionism and unilateral nuclear disarmament. He was the national chair of the Stop the War Coalition and a member of the Socialist Campaign Group until his election as leader of the Labour Party.

In the snap election 2017, Corbyn and his Labour party went to be the second biggest party in parliament, and they increased their shares of the popular vote to 40%, resulting in a gain of 32 seats, and a hung parliament.

In the early 80`s he spoke in a debate, describing a motion calling for greater support for law and order as «more appropriate to the National Front than to the Labour Party».

He worked on Tony Benns unsuccessful deputy leadership campaign in 1981. He was keen to allow former International Marxist Group member Tariq Ali to join the party, despite Labours National Executive having declared him unacceptable, and declared that «so far as we are concerned…. hes a member of the party and hell be issued with a card.

In May 2015 he wrote for the Morning Star, saying that «the Star is the most precious and only voice we have in the daily media»

Corbyn was a campaigner against apartheid in South Africa, serving on the National Executive of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, and was arrested in 1984 while demonstrating outside South Africa House.

In the Main Stream Media (MSM) we can still see articles about people’s own Facade, telling you that you shouldn`t care much about how you look like. Your hair, back, stomach, your wight and so on.

During the BBC`s Newsnight in 1984, Conservative MP Terry Dicks asserted that so-called Labour scruffs (such as Corbyn, who at this time was known for wearing open-necked shirts to the Commons) should be banned from addressing the House of Commons unless they maintained higher standards.

Corbyn responded, saying that: «its not a fashion parade, its not a gentlemans club, its not a bankersinstitute, its a place where the people are represented.

 

 

In 1984 Corbyn and Ken Livingstone were criticised for inviting two convicted Provisional IRA members as well as Gerry Adams and other members of the Irish Republican party Sinn Fèin to Westminster three weeks after the Birmingham hotel bombing, an attack carried out by the IRA that killed five people.

He became known during the 1980s for his work on behalf of the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six, who were eventually found to have been wrongly convicted of responsibility for a series of bombings carried out in England in the mid-1970s by the IRA that killed 28 people.

Corbyn was arrested in 1986 for protesting the trial of a group of IRA members including the Brighton Bomber Patrick Magee. Magee was convicted of murdering five people and the group were convicted of planning a «massive bombing campaign in London and seaside resorts».

In the early 1990s, MI5 opened a file on Corbyn over fears his IRA links meant he could have been a threat to national security. The metropolitan Polices Special Branch was also monitoring Corbyn at the time, and continued to monitor him for two decades over fears he was attempting to «undermine democracy».

According to Andrew Gilligan in The Sunday Times, following research in Irish and Republican archives, Corbyn was involved in over 72 events connected with Sinn Fein, or other pro-republican groups, during the period of the IRA`s paramilitary campaign.

Corbyn supported the campaign to overturn the convictions of Jawad Botmeh and Samar Alami for the 1994 bombing of the Israeli Embassy in London; Botmeh and Alami had admitted possessing explosives and guns but denied they were for use in Britain.

The convictions were upheld by the High Court of Justice in 2001 and by the European Court of Human Rights in 2007.

The left-wing Jacobin magazine described Corbyn as «a figure for decades challenged them (Labour Party elites) from the backbench as one of the most rebellious left-wing members of parliament.»

After members of Islamic State carried out terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015, Corbyn suggested that the only way to deal with the threat posed by the jihadist group would be to reach a political settlement aimed at resolving the Syrian Civil War.

Speaking at a regional party conference in Bristol on 21 November, Corbyn warned against «external intervention» in Syria but told delegates that Labour would «consider the proposals the Government brings forward.

Corbyn said in a letter that he could not support military action against Islamic State: «The issue (IS) wether what the Prime ministers proposing strengthens, or undermines, our national security… I do belive the current proposal for air strikes in Syria will protect our security and therefore cannot support it.»

Corbyn agreed that Labour MP`s would be given a free vote on air strikes when the issue was voting on two days later. A total of 66 Labour Mps voted for the Syrian air strikes, while Corbyn and the majority of labour Mps voted against.

Following the June 2016 vote to leave the EU, Corby was accused of «lukewarm» campaigning for Britain to stay in the European Union and showing a «lack of leadership» on the issue by several party figures.

Alan Johnson, who headed up the Labour in for Britain campaign said «at times» it felt as if Corbyns office was «working against the rest of the party and had conflicting objectives». Corbyns decision to go on holiday during the campaign was criticised.

In September 2016, Corbyn`s spokesman said Corbyn wanted access to the European Single Market, but there were «aspects» of EU membership related to privatisation «which Jeremy campaigned against in the referendum campaign.

Corbyn has campaigned against Private Finance Initiative (PFI) schemes, supported a higher rate of income tax for the wealthiest in society, and his shadow chancellor proposed the introduction of a £10 per hour living wage.

Corbyn opposes austerity, and has advocated an economic strategy based on investing-to-grow as opposed to making spending cuts. During his first Labour leadership election campaign, Corbyn propsed that the Bank of England should be able to print money for capital spending, especially housebuilding, instead of quantitative easing, which attempts to stimulate the economy by buying assets from commercial banks. He described it as «People`s Quantitative Easing».

Corbyn has been a consistent supporter of renationalising public utilities, such as the now-privatised British Rail and energy companies, back into public ownership. Initially Corbyn suggested completely renationalising the entire railway network, but would now bring them under public control «line by line» as franchises expire.

Corbyn has been vocal on Middle East foreign policy. He is a member of the Palestine Solidary Campaign, campaigning against conflicts in Gaza and what the organisation considers to be apartheid in Israel.

He belive Hamas is «an organisation dedicated towards the good of the Palestinian people,» and said that the British government`s labelling of Hamas as a terrorist organisation is «a big, big historical mistake.»

Corbyn would like to pull the United Kingdom out of NATO, and he is a longstanding supporter of unilateral nuclear disarmament. In April 2014, Corbyn wrote an article for the Morning Star attributing the crisis in Ukraine to NATO.

He said the «root of the crisis» lay in «the drive to expand eastwards» and described Russia`s actions as «not unprovoked». He has said it «probably was» a mistake to allow former Warsaw Pact countries to join NATO.

Corbyn was a proponent of the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign and is a longtime supporter of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign, which campaigns against the US embargo against Cuba and supports Cuban Revolution.

After the death of socialist President of Venezuela Hugo Chàvez Corbyn thanked him on Twitter, saying «He made massive contributions to Venezuela & a very wide world».

 

 

In November 2016, following the death of Fidel Castro, Corbyn said that Castro, despite his «flaws», was a «huge figure of modern history, national independence and 20th Century socialism. Castros achievements were many.» Internal Labour party critics of Corbyn accused him of glossing over Castros human rights abuses.

Corbyn has previously been a left-wing Eurosceptic, and backed a proposed referendum on British withdrawal from the European Union in 2011. Additionally, he accused the EU of acting «brutally» in the 2015 Greek crisis by allowing financiers to destroy its economy.

Despite earlier comments during the leadership campaign that there might be circumstances in which he would favour withdrawal, in September 2015, Corbyn said that Labour would campaign for Britain to stay in the EU regardless of the result of Cameron`s negotiations, and instead «pledge toreverse any changes» if Cameron reduced the rights of workers or citizens.

He also belived that Britain should play a crucial role in Europe by making demands about working arrangements across the continent, the levels of corporation taxation and in forming an agreement on environmental regulation.

In June 2016, in the run-up to the EU referendum, Corbyn said that there was an «overwhelming case» for staying in the EU. In a speech in London, Corbyn said: «We, the Labour Party, are overwhelmingly for staying in, because we belive the European Union has brought investment, jobs and protection for workers, consumers and the environment.»

Corbyn also criticised media coverage and warnings for both sides, saying that the debate had been dominated too much by «myth-making and prophecies of doom».

Jeremy Corbyn admitted his passion for staying in the EU was «seven, or seven and a half» out of ten. He said he voted «Remain» but now says he would respect the results of the referendum if he gains power.

Mays Conservatives got the most votes and the most seats, but no one is calling her a winner, and her survival is in doubt. Meanwhile Corbyns band of supporters is riding a most unexpected wave.

Jeremy Corbin can be the next President. A man who backs higher taxes, nuclear disarmament, and state control of industries. In addition; he has a history of closeness to extremist groups including IRA (Irish Republican Army).

Brexit negotiations will begin on 19 June 2017.

 

 

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and may not reflect those of Shiny bull. The author has made every effort to ensure accuracy of information provided; however, neither Shiny bull nor the author can guarantee such accuracy. This article is strictly for informational purposes only. It is not a solicitation to make any exchange in precious metal products, commodities, securities or other financial instruments. Shiny bull and the author of this article do not accept culpability for losses and/ or damages arising from the use of this publication.

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